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Chromolithography in Bhatisuda

Bhatisuda, a village located in Madhya Pradesh evidences the use of Chromolithographs (colour prints) by people belonging to different castes and religions. The village is composted of people belonging to 21 castes. Agriculture is observed to be a major occupation. Also, a viscose rayon factory situated nearby has significant effects on the economic factors of landless labourers. The popularity of Hinduism is reflected from the cosmology of the village. The temples and shines in the village house main gods such as Shiv, Ram, Hanuman, Krishna, Ganesh etc. as well as local deities such as Tejaji, Ramdevji, Bihari Mata, Lal Mata, Rogiya Devi etc.

Population composition in Bhatisuda:

Nearly 40% of the population of the village fall under the category of Scheduled castes. The Rajputs, who hold the position of ‘dominant caste’ own about 37% of the total land. Other dominant castes namely Jains and last zamindars who administered in the princely Gwalior state are numerically smaller. The Jains own the best among the agricultural land and hold significant power in the village panchayat.

There is a clear hierarchization of different jati groups. The caste groups are symbolically and geographically separated. The higher castes households are predominantly built on higher grounds, whereas the Scheduled castes live far off from the centre of the village.

Chromolithography in Bhatisuda:

About one third of the pictures had been printed pictures framed by the local suppliers. Most purchase pictures that have already been framed. There is also another type – glossy laminated prints – that are found in the households. Other types include pictures printed directly on glass, embossed o plastic etc. The pictures are also found in the formats of postcards, stickers etc. Few are even distributed free as a part of local newspapers.

The role and influence of Caste:

It is common that households replace the old images with new ones during Diwali. The oldest picture is found in a Brahmins house and dates back to the 1940s. On an average each household holds about 7 pictures. There are similarities between jatis at opposite ends of the caste hierarchy, which makes it a surprising phenomenon. For example, the average number of images owned by households are similar to the Rajputs (higher castes) and Chamars (Scheduled Castes). However, there is distinction in deity choice amongst the castes. However, within particular jatis, the number if images owned differ greatly and this could be attributed to individual choice. It is to be noted that devotionalism is no guide to the image ownership.

Chromolithography assumes a specific importance for Scheduled Castes who are prevented from entering temples. Although many such communities have their own shrines, they are prohibited to enter temples of main gods. Through chromolithography, even untouchables are able to access the vegetarian deities. The denial of entry to the unclean castes necessitates this kind of domestic engagements with gods.

Pilgrimage and image ownership:

About 18% of the images in the village had been purchased in pilgrimage sites and depict associated deities. It is observed that pilgrimage is an egalitarian activity. Due to dislocations of travel and anonymity of crowds sorting jatis is nullified. Thus, pilgrim centres become caste-free zones.

Popular images:

The images of Hindu goddess Lakshmi is found to be the most popular in the village. Although urban merchant classes observe Lakshmi Pooja during the start of financial year, most of the households in the village observe it on or around Diwali. The second popular is the image of Shiv and his family members (Parvati and Ganesh). Samvaliyaji described as an avatar of Krishna is the third most popular image in the village.

The most popular images are present in households of all castes. However, it can be observed that in higher caste households the number of Lakshmi images are twice more than those in lowers castes. Similarly, images of Samvaliyaji are more in lower caste households.

Absence of political imagery:

Only two calendars depicting various leaders and freedom fighters such as Bhagat Singh, Shivaji etc. were found in the whole village. There also is a no presence of the Scheduled Caste icon Ambedkar. Though images of this historical figure are omnipresent in many parts of western India, it is completely absent in Bhatisuda.

Association of images with castes:

An association of three figures – Ravidas, Ramdevji and Shitala – with the Chamars, the lower castes in the village is evident. The images of Ravidas (a Brahman changed into an untouchable due to offering of polluted food to a deity) are predominantly found in the houses of Chamars. Although, Ramdevji, who advocated egalitarianism and an opposition to caste inequalities and untouchability is accepted by all, it is Chamars who have greater belief. A majority of Shitala images are found in houses of Chamars. Also, the images of Kali are completely absent in Brahman households but are closely associated with meat-eating Scheduled Castes.

Quest for Plenitude:

The villagers consider these images to provide divine energy and barkat (plentitude) to their lives. They are interested not in what the images look like but what those can do. They are hardly interested in the producers or publishers.

Most villagers seat their pictures without the assistance of Brahmans. Some invite priests to perform sthapana (installation) through which the image is made to swing in front of a mirror. A vast majority of the villagers perform Poojas to the images by lighting incense sticks.

Aspects of pleasant visuality:

Hindu worship is based on sensory corporeal aesthetics. The darshan is not just seeing the deities but also about being seen. The images used in the village behold their owners directly, engaging and returning their vision. To achieve this, the villagers purchase images with a reciprocating gaze. This mutuality of perception is termed as double sensation.

The images are also customised by the local artisans. The key figures of the chromolithographs are cut out and pasted behind glass and the remaining clear glass is silvered to produce a mirror effect that gives the double sensation. In addition, other customisations such as application of glitter, plastic flowers etc. are done to enhance the aesthetics of the images.

The disposal of the old images is to follow a certain procedure. They are to be dropped in river or wells so as not to be touched by others foot. The villagers believe that by placing the deities under water, they would not suffer the danger of indignity.

Impact of Chromolithographs:

The chromolithographs by democratizing the assess of worship of all gods to any caste have destabilized the long-established rituals and social hierarchies. Though the key respects recapitulate the protocols and hierarchical codes of orthodox Hindu practices, it is no longer the same. This suggests that the chromolithograph are part of everyday life of the villagers but are bound within the economic and social hierarchies to a certain extent.

Source: Pinney, Christopher. ‘What do Pictures Want Now: Rural Consumers of Images, 1980-2000’ In
Photos of the Gods: The Printed Image and Political Struggle in India. London: Reaktion, 2004. Pp.
181-200