It’s too late to learn something new.


Educated Indians on Caste and Reservations

https://pixabay.com/photos/reader-reading-garden-book-8211917/

Some educated Indians want to end caste-based reservations, believing they cause division, but they still identify with their caste. This clearly shows the cultural and social attachments to caste that influence their views on education and equality.

The Indian caste system is a traditional social hierarchy system that divides individuals into various groups according to their place of birth and occupation.  With a fifth group, the “untouchables,” involved in impure jobs, there are four others in this hiercahy namely: Brahmins (priests and scholars), Kshatriyas (rulers and soldiers), Vaishyas (merchants), and Shudras (labourers and servants). This system had certain rules and regulations, like marrying within one’s caste and following food and occupations guidelines specific to that caste. Despite several changes, this system has historically shaped India’s social and economic links and it still impacts current Indian society.

The caste system in India led to the creation of the reservation system to help marginalized sections get government jobs and education. This system, known as positive discrimination, is supported by government policies and the Indian Constitution. William Hunter and Jyotirao Phule proposed the idea of caste-based reservations in 1882. In 1933, British Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald introduced the ‘Communal Award,’ which included separate electorates for different communities, including untouchables. Gandhi and Ambedkar’s ‘Poona Pact’ then created a large Hindu group with reservations. After independence, reservations were extended to Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST).

In 1991, based on the Mandal Commission’s recommendations, Other Backward Classes (OBCs) were also included. The Mandal Commission, set up in 1978, found that 52% of the population belonged to OBCs and recommended 27% job reservations for them. In the 1992 Indra Sawhney case, the Supreme Court upheld this 27% reservation for OBCs but set a 50% limit on total reservations and introduced the ‘creamy layer’ concept. The 1951 State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan case led to the First Amendment, establishing reservations in India. The Indra Sawhney case also ruled out reservations in promotions.

In this article, I have looked into why some educated Indians want to end caste-based reservations but still keep their caste identities. For which I conducted an extensive survey with around 60 participants to understand the reasons behind this conflicting view.

  More than 50% of the survey respondents supported the current caste-based reservation system. Those who opposed it had various reasons like mostly believed in the merit-based opportunities and had a desire for social equality. They suggested reservations should be based on financial need rather than caste or other factors. They highlighted the lack of better educational infrastructure, and they argued about how caste-based reservations lead to caste rigidity and discrimination, which opposes the Constitution’s aim of promoting equality. Additionally, within ST, SC, and OBC groups, well-off families often benefit the most from these reservations despite their sufficient income. Interestingly one person mentioned that society should follow the traditional order as outlined by Manu Maharaj, prioritising Brahmins.

The majority of respondents think that reservations should be based on economic status rather than caste which promotes fairness. They argued that an economic-based reservation system would be more effective. Some suggested that caste-based reservations should continue alongside economic-based ones to address both issues. Many respondents highlighted the necessity for changes in order to benefits those actually in need. Some mentioned about the political manipulation of caste-based reservations, which are seen as one of the main reasons for division rather than equality. Few also pointed out that wealthy individuals within reserved categories often misuse the system, while economically disadvantaged people in unreserved categories suffer. They also showed concern about the misuse of economic-based reservations through false documentation and suggested strict use of the creamy layer concept to prevent its misuse. Finally, while recognising that an economic status-based reservation category (EWS) already exists, respondents stressed the need for better implementation.

Hardly 30% of the respondents did not identify with their caste. The rest identified with various castes, including Yadav, Brahmin, OBC, Scheduled Tribes, Baniyas, Mahar, Kshatriya, Chamar, Thakur, Namasudra (Scheduled Caste), SC (Ramdasia Sikh), Jaat, Buddhist, and Gaddi. Some expressed a desire for rights for their caste despite not personally identifying with it. Almost 60% of respondents felt that caste identity was important, yet 70% often avoided participating in caste-based cultural or social activities, highlighting a situation of contradiction. Meanwhile, nearly 75% believed the caste system should not be retained in Indian society. However, few supported retaining the caste system for its cultural significance, social support networks, and connections to personal and family history. Additionally, some viewed the caste system as a divine rule necessary for establishing Dharma and strengthening the nation. Others believed returning to the caste hierarchy would bring order and reduce societal chaos. There was also a sentiment that lower castes should retain their identity until they achieve upliftment. While not supporting the social hierarchy (varna system), some felt that caste identity is moderately important for advocacy and asserting their group’s rights.

Caste-based discrimination is not uncommon in India, particularly in rural areas. However, opposite to this popular belief, such discrimination is also prevalent among the educated Indians. My extensive survey, which included participants educated at least to the undergraduate level, mentioned that they had faced caste-based discrimination. For instance, one respondent faced discrimination during postgraduate studies due to their CUET PG marks and reservation use. Another mentioned that people from higher castes refused to eat food from their tiffin. A teacher once told students to change their surname, or they wouldn’t be given a government job. Respondents also reported being called caste-based slurs. One individual recalled their time at a prestigious and orthodox Hindu school, where teachers used caste names like Chamar and Bhangi to refer to troublemakers. Despite being from a general caste, few individuals felt the reservation system discriminated against them. These experiences highlight the worrying situation of caste-based discrimination in India, even among the educated population.

In conclusion, I would just like to say that the contradiction of educated Indians wanting to end caste-based reservations while holding onto their caste identities shows how their cultural and social attachment still exists. While many support merit-based and economic-based reservations, while upholding their caste identity shows the complexity of this issue. The survey reveals that a balanced approach is needed, one that considers economic needs and aims to reduce caste-based discrimination and promote true equality.

The survey results clearly show that the educated Indian’s desire to end caste-based reservations which show their want towards fair and merit-based opportunities. However, their continued attachment to caste identities means that simply ending these reservations won’t solve the problem. We need to educate people about the reasons for these reservations and improve educational opportunities for everyone. Economic-based reservations should also be effectively implemented to address both caste and economic inequalities. The ultimate goal should be a society where opportunities are based on merit and economic need, without caste divisions.

Lastly, I would like to quote a few interesting opinions of my respondents regarding why some educated Indians want to end caste-based reservations but keep their caste identities.

  • “Even If people want to keep their identities and end caste based reservation, it would not lead to discrimination against the lower castes, as people are more aware of their rights and can take legal actions. Moreover, discrimination and reservation are two different topics, and should not be mixed with each other. As in education system and during jobs, the kind of discrimination higher castes are facing even after them being 2x times more capable and deserving. The caste based reservation was meant to be temporary, which now lower castes take advantage of and quoting ‘ you are paying back for what your ancestors had done ‘ which is again illogical.”
  • “The very first point I would like to elaborate is that reservation is not based on economic factors. It is for social and educational upliftment which we have denied since the ancient times. Then,. I guess some educated Indians from the SC/STs want to end caste-based reservation because now they are at a level when reservation is not needed for jobs and school/college admissions. They want to retain their caste identities which are given to them since their birth. And some upper castes are also questioning the caste-based reservation but they often forget about the backwardness of the other castes because of their own behaviour.”
  • “That’s perverse. Any Indian wanting to end reservations should first relinquish their caste pride. However, the reservation regime should be fine-tuned to reach the grassroots. It’s currently being grossly manipulated. As a privileged caste person I may have no locus standi in it, one may argue, but mildly meritorious third-generation beneficiaries cornering quota jobs is so blatantly against principles of natural justice.”
  • – “Hypocrites, but reservation is only available to affluent among the marginalized society. More particularly, children of government servants are eating a pie and running a rhetoric that reservation isn’t poverty alleviation but a matter of representation.”
  • – “These so-called educated Indians do not understand the roots of caste discrimination. If you are born in a lower caste, you are looked down upon. Many Dalits hide their identity so that they are looked upon equally. Reservations help them to be equal, have an opportunity to be seen as equal. Why keep your identity when you want to end caste reservation?”
  • – “Because they blame reservation for accepting they are incompetent. Take the example: general cutoff 89, OBC 87, SC/ST 68. They think if no reservation were there, they would have got in at 68. That’s a wrong assumption. If there were no reservations, cutoff would be around 88, not 68. Even people who get 70 will blame reservation.”
  • – “The educated, upper caste, and upper-class Indians have zero knowledge about the ground realities of society. They mostly have bookish knowledge. Their parents also don’t tell them about the realities of caste. Rather, they promote caste supremacist ideas.”
  • – “To not lose their claim on the century-old exclusive reservations on the resources of the society which they get just by being born into high castes.”
  • – “To retain their caste capital. Because caste works as cultural capital and functions as a political economy.”
  • – “Bigotry, beneficiaries of the system, want to keep it that way.”

References

  • https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1043&context=socssp 
  • https://www.drishtiias.com/to-the-points/Paper2/reservation-in-india 
  • My survey participants were drawn from various regions across India, including Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Haryana, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, Bihar, Kerala, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Assam, Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Chandigarh, Gurgaon, and Hyderabad. Most respondents were aged between 18 and 30, with a smaller group in the 30-40 age range. Most participants were students, though there were also a number of employed individuals and a few working in government positions. There were around 60 respondents who participated anonymously.
  • I have attached the survey results below in the form of a spreadsheet. The link for the spreadsheet is below:

https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1DcKSFgiYyt5ZbG-IGWLEjoRKKQuy01tVX5exq76fPVs/edit?usp=sharing

, , , ,